Showing posts with label Human Rights. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Human Rights. Show all posts

Saturday, 18 April 2015

DWP - No Right to Legal Advice?

Two DWP (Department for Work and Pensions) Enforcement Officers, recently attended my shared apartment building without invitation.  

They were caught, harassing, intimidating and threatening one of my older neighbours, outside their front door.  My neighbour had begun to cry. 

I suspect they had not know that a Solicitor lived across the hall, and that Solicitor, would be the notorious Daniel Donaldson, someone who just so happens to campaign regularly for for Equality and Human Rights.


My Concerns

The first thing that I objected to was the conversation taking place at all.  The Officers knew (or ought to have known) that they should not be discussing an individual's private business for everyone in sundry to hear.  However, they did so anyway.

Then of course, was the topic of conversation.  I also objected to this.  It was alleged that the local Procurator Fiscal had instructed the Officers to attend, in order to obtain my neighbour's consent to open a "sealed evidential envelope" containing "an interview tape and transcript".

The Officers went on, as part of their harassment and intimidation, to say that they would "do it anyway" but just just had to let my neighbour know.

It was at this point, I intervened.  Not only was the conversation audible from within my own property but I noticed that my neighbour was distressed.  It was clear that me neighbour didn't follow or understand what was being said.

The Exchange of Credentials

I asked to see the Officers credentials, and of course, the Officer wanted to see mine.  I fully suspect, that when I handed over my business card, and was about to take my Law Society of Scotland certificate from its frame, that it suddenly dawned on them both what a horrible mistake they had made.

I will be careful here, and point out that I at no point held myself out as my neighbour's Solicitor or her representative.  I was acting, in the public interest, both protect my neighbours welfare and in order to achieve a peaceful resolution to a very tense and difficult situation inside my apartment building.

Independent Legal Advice - Does this Ring a Bell?

As our conversation progressed, I reminded the Officers that my neighbour was entitled to seek independent legal advice.  I also reminded them of certain procedural aspects, regarding a fair hearing.

The Officers conceded that they had attended without invitation and that they should have written to my neighbour, to enable her to take legal advice.

It was this important human right, that the Officers had omitted, when they began their harassment.

The situation was defused and the Officers left.

I wonder what would have been the outcome had I not been there.

No Harassment Please

It is important to remember that the Crown does not have the right to harass or intimidate people.

It is also important to remember that everyone is entitled to take independent legal advice.  This fact should beyond doubt now, lest we have to revisit the CADDER v HMA debacle again.  If you every find yourself with unwanted DWP Officers harassing you, or someone you care about, please feel free to remind them of that too.

In so far as Human Rights are concerned, the Crown has bound itself to respect the integrity of the person (which they did not do in this case).  The Crown has also bound itself regarding respect for the private and peaceful enjoyment of one's property, family life and correspondence (again, something overlooked in this case).

Regarding confidentiality, European and UK Data Protection law applies.  The discussion of my neighbour's private business, in a very public manner, was a clear breach of the Data Protection regime.  In addition, the "loss of evidence", or whatever the DWP Officers sought to deal with, is also a breach, and a reportable breach, with potential criminal sanctions too.  

I do wonder whether the loss of evidence was reported to the UK Information Commissioner. It would be unfortunate if it was not, as that in itself, may be a criminal offence.  

It would be a rather red faced moment, if some DWP Officers found themselves being interviewed, outside their front door, of a Thursday morning, being asked why they lost evidence and didn't report it as they should have.  Wouldn't you agree?

Tuesday, 2 September 2014

The "rainbow paper" is bias and misleading

The Rainbow Paper by YES LGBTI Scotland
The Pro-independence group YES LGBTI issued a rainbow paper, which is a manifesto for Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) equality in an Independent Scotland.  

The rainbow paper is supported by Partick Harvie MSP, a leading campaigner for LGBT equality and human rights.  

The manifesto heavily criticises the UK and Westminster approach to LGBTI Equality and Human Rights and claims that Equality will only be guaranteed through a written Scottish constitutional commitment to LGBT people.

The group also claims that Westminster is holding back and threatens to reverse hard won LGBT equality rights.  

The content of the paper can be read here, in its PDF form.http://www.yesscotland.net/sites/default/files/resources/documents/the_rainbow_paper.pdf 

Daniel Donaldson, an Edinburgh based Equalities Lawyer, responded to some of the claims made by the groupthis evening.  Daniel who also recently experienced horrific Hate Crime, where he was branded a "Peedo" and a "Beast" said:

“The ‘Rainbow Paper’ issued by YES Scotland is misleading people.

“It is important to show a balance here and to not mislead LGBTI people into thinking that the UK is all bad and that an Independent Scotland will be all good, when it comes to protecting and protecting LGBTI human rights.

“It is also disingenuous to say that Scotland has consistency been more progressive than Westminster in terms of LGBTI equality.

“One fatal flaw in the YES LGBTI argument is that YES Scotland want to abolish the UK Supreme Court. Why would anyone want to abolish a Court which has affirmed and defended LGBTI rights, first in terms of LGBTI asylum and refugee status, and then again in terms upholding the non-discrimination provisions of the Equality Act when faced with several challenges by powerful lobby groups.

“This position contrasts with Scotland, where the Scottish Government, under the SNP leadership, sought to water down and exclude Roman Catholic adoption agencies from Equality Law to allow them to discriminate against same-sex couples. Contrast this with that of the UK, which refused to amend the Sexual Orientation Regulations, despite Scottish Government pressure to do so.

“It is also important to remember, that a written constitution, which specifically mentions LGBTI people is no guarantee that LGBTI rights will be protected. The South African constitution mentioned LGBT people, but when it came to considering same-sex marriage, the Government only changed the law after a Court Challenge.

“Without the UK Supreme Court, which currently protects the rights of LGBTI people, across the UK as a whole, a written Scottish Constitution would be meaningless as the Scottish Courts have adopted a critical and highly conservative interpretation of human rights law. Indeed, there was at least one LGBT Asylum case heard in Scotland which failed.

“The UK, having a wide network of Embassies and Consulates across the World has heavily lobbied for LGBT equality. The UK has the standing in the World to take many of the non-LGBTI friendly countries to task over their human rights record, and this has to be acknowledged.

“There is always room for improvement in any constitutional set-up, where equality and human rights are concerned. However, to completely ignore the accomplishments the UK in this field, and to paint everything in such a negative light, it just plain wrong.


“LGBTI people expect more from both sides of the Scottish Independence debate and I would encourage the YES Scotland campaign not to mislead people and be more honest about the advances made in terms of LGBTI equality and human rights in scotland as part of the UK.”


Tuesday, 12 August 2014

Hate Crime Laws Are Not Working - An Open Letter


Stonewall Scotland's Poster Campaign


An Open Letter to;
Kenny MacAskill MSP, Scottish Justice Secretary,

Lord Advocate, Frank Mulholland QC,

The Chief Constable of Police Scotland, Stephen House,

The Equality and Human Rights Commission and 
The Scottish Human Rights Commission,

12 August 2014

Dear Sirs,

Ineffective Protections against Hate Crime

My Partner and I are on the receiving end of vicious Hate Crime, because of our sexual orientation. 

I had been lead to believe that the criminal justice system would protect both my Partner and myself from Hate Crime.  However, despite the grand standing that took place, heralding the introduction of Hate Crime legislation, by the Scottish Government, the Equality and Human Rights Commission and others, the law is a dud. 

The reasons for this; first, the perpetrators of the Hate Crime are all under the age of 16, and are classified as Children, and second, there is no effective monitoring of how the law protects victims of Hate Crime, allowing solutions to this problem to have been identified. 

I have been branded a “Peedo” and a “Beast” in front of my own home.  Our car windscreen has been smashed in.  Stones, bricks and other missiles have all been thrown at our home, our property is subject to regular trespass and Children will even come as far as the front door to bang and shout abuse.  What is more disturbing, is that the Children even solicited the support of wayward adults to assist in their campaign of terror, shouting “Best, Beast, Beast” at me and my home.

The Children concerned were charged and reported (through the Children’s hearing system).  I had hoped this would out an end to it.  However, because they are under 16, they were free to continue the abuse, and to encourage others to abuse us too.  They knew they would get away with it, which is why they continued, after being charged, reported and warned about their behavior. 

I have nothing but praise for my local Police Officers, who have been very supportive.  However, they find that their hands are tied.  The Police simply do not have sufficient resources locally to be effective, despite Hate Crime being classified as a national priority.  I also note, that the Crown Office does not review the effectiveness of the legislation, and the important legal protection that the law is meant to bring. 

Additionally, public policy considerations designed to promote the rights of the Child – even if the Children concerned are perpetrators of vicious abuse – trump those of the right of the victim to seek redress.  This is deeply disappointing, because as a result, my Partner and I are left without an effective remedy and, are left to suffer further torment.

Notwithstanding our legal entitlement to protection from acts of homophobic abuse, harassment and vandalism, there is little the criminal or civil law can do to help us. 

I am a qualified Solicitor, and sought refuge in the civil law.  I attempted to obtain an Interdict, with power of arrest and non-harassment orders against our abusers.  However, even this route was blocked.  In order to take this action, I would have required the cooperation of the local Social Work department, and the Police in order to obtain the identities of the perpetrators of the abuse.  That cooperation was refused owing to “child confidentiality”. 

We also approached the local Council community safety team at the City of Edinburgh Council for help.  It is now four weeks and counting, but no response.  They have done nothing to help us, nor have they offered any support.  Yet, under the Antisocial Behaviour legislation, they could take action.  So why haven’t they?  In my view, it is down to a question of priorities, and upsetting their colleagues in either Social Work or the Housing Department is not a priority.  A local council is highly unlikely to take Court action against itself now, is it?

My partner and I, are now looking to relocate away from Edinburgh.  We have had enough.  I hope that when we move, we get to enjoy the peace and quiet in our own home, and the freedom from abuse, harassment and vandalism, that we should expect. 

I now expect you gentlemen to take decisive action, given our experience, to prevent anyone else having to endure this horrific torment. 

Yours faithfully,



 Daniel Donaldson

Tuesday, 18 February 2014

Statement Concerning the Scottish Courts Service


I have worked exceptionally hard over the last three years or so to promote equality within the Scottish Courts Service (SCS) as an unpaid volunteer member of their Equalities Advisory Group (EAG).


During this time, I took on many challenging subjects and in particular took a lot of time, outside of attending our regular meetings, to take forward additional work.  


I enjoyed this work and also looked forward to each of the meetings to which I contributed fully.  


Regretfully, I was told by Chair on Monday (17 February 2014) afternoon, that I was no longer welcome to be a member of the EAG.  


I am disappointed but to a certain extent, not surprised.    


It was not until I raised concerns recently about ongoing disability discrimination and transphobia, which were backed by evidence, that both Chair and the SCS management decided that I was no longer welcome.  


I tried repeatedly to raise these issues but felt that I was ignored.  


In particular, the SCS authorised the refurbishment of a court room in Dundee with scant regard to accessibility and more regard for financial expediency.  


Needless to say, I objected to this as it is not the manner in which our public services are meant to behave.  


It has subsequently been pointed out to me that as an EAG member I have no right to raise a grievance within the SCS and that the dignity at work policy does not apply to members of the EAG amongst other matters.  


In particular, it has also emerged that Chair has the right to remove members of the EAG.  


Raising a complain under the Equality Act is a protected act.  This means that a person raising a complain about disability discrimination and transphobia as I have done should not suffer any detriment for doing so.  


As a basic human right, everyone is entitled to have their dignity respected.  


Additionally, public bodies, such as the SCS, are required to apply the European Convention on Human Rights to all aspects of their work.   


Volunteer Development Scotland, together with the Scottish TUC, agreed a code of practice for organisations that work with Volunteers.  


The SCS does not subscribe to this code.  Amongst other things, the code states that:- 


Effective structures should be put in place to support and develop volunteers and the activities they undertake, and these should be fully considered and costed when services are planned and development.


 Volunteers and paid staff should be provided with opportunities to contribute to the development of volunteering policies and procedures.


 Volunteers, like paid staff, should be able to carry out their duties in safe, secure and healthy environments that are free from harassment, intimidation, bullying, violence and discrimination.


 All paid workers and volunteers should have access to appropriate training and development. 


There should be recognised machinery for the resolution of any problems between organisations and volunteers or between paid staff and volunteers. 


I was not told in advance that Chair intended to remove me from the EAG nor was I told about a secret letter that had been prepared and delivered to Chair by the SCS management. 


I was not given an opportunity to see this letter or address any of its contents. 


I was mislead as to the nature of this meeting. 


I was also accused of being "aggressive and threatening".  


My dignity was violated yesterday and I left our meeting in a distressed state.


At no stage have I ever been aggressive or threatening to anyone.  


I raised a complaint concerning the SCSs failure to address accessibility and transphobia.  I also stated that there was a problem with institutional discrimination.


I was victimised for doing so.


I was bullied by them.  


If the SCS had in place appropriate structures and machinery for addressing my concerns, I am sure that matters would not have gone this far.  Unfortunately, they do not.  


I am disappointed at the manner in which both Chair and the SCS have handled my complaints.  


I am also disappointed that it appears acceptable to unilaterally remove a member of the EAG, to write a secret letter about them and not provide any opportunity to answer its contents and then accuse someone like myself of being aggressive and threatening. 


I am now considering my position.  


A complaint has been made to the SCS about mondays meeting and the failure to address my concerns. 


We will wait and see what happens.  


I would welcome your support right now as it is a struggle to keep up the good fight on my own. 


This is even more difficult and distressing for me because I have multiple disabilities and I cannot come to terms with how this public body has behaved.


Yours for equality,


Daniel


Sunday, 29 September 2013

Institutional Discrimination - Call it Out


Image from Pinkfamilies.com


In February 1999, Sir William Macpherson published his report into the Metropolitan Police ("the Met") and their handling of the murder investigation of the late Stephen Lawrence.

At that time, one of the controversial assertions made in his report, was that the Met was "institutionally racist".  This is the definition used by Sir Macpherson:

"The collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture, or ethnic origin. It can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes and behaviour which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and racist stereotyping which disadvantage minority ethnic people."
  
(Home Office, The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry: Report of an Inquiry by Sir William Macpherson of Cluny, February 1999, para 6.34)

While the Macpherson Report had "race" as its focus, the definition provided can easily be expanded to encompass the other protected characteristics within the Equality Act 2010.

"The collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because they share a Protected Characteristic, whether directly or indirectly. It can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes and behaviour which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and stereotyping which disadvantage people because they share a Protected Characteristic, whether directly or indirectly as the case may be."
Or words to that effect, replacing reference to "race" with "disability" or "age" and so on.  

The wide ranging application of Macpherson's definition has already been realised by a number of public authorities.  The definition has been used to inform their training in and understanding of equalities within their own policy framework.

However, nearly fifteen years on, the same cannot be said of every public service.    

In this article, I will examine the term institutional discrimination with reference to various Protected Characteristics.  I will also demonstrate where more work needs to be done in order to engender that cultural change, in "processes, attitudes and behaviour..." as identified by Sir Macpherson when addressing institutional racism within the Met. 

Example 1 - The Bedroom Tax

Readers may not be fully familiar with the full application of the policy described by the current UK Government as "the spare room subsidy" or more popularly coined as "the bedroom tax".

This policy cut the level of housing benefit paid to single people, couples or families with adult children who lived in public sector housing with more bedrooms that their assessed need.  In the case of a couple (without children) one double bedroom was deemed suitable.  This was also the case for single people or single parents who may only have their children stay with them for part of a week.

Disabled people were also covered by the new policy decision.  However, what was not taken on board by the UK Government was the lack of suitably sized and suitably located accommodation for disabled people, single people without children or couples living alone.  There was also a lack of appreciation to what purpose the extra bedroom was put.

For example, in the case of a disabled person who is a Kidney patient - and awaiting a transplant - the extra bedroom may be used to store essential medical equipment, including a hospital bed (or re-laxer chair), sink, dialyses machine, filters and other associated paraphernalia required by that patient for their day to day living.  It is also likely that that machine, together with its filter technology will have been permanently plumbed into the cold and waste water mains. 

The extra bedroom, in this case, is being used for a specific purpose.  It is also being used as an alternative to the patient taking longer term stays in hospital.  The patient's partner is usually the full time carer of the patient and will have received specialist training to assist their partner through their dialyses.  This approach is saving the NHS and also the Taxpayer money.

In the case of a single parent, estranged from their former spouse, but retaining full parental responsibilities and rights, the extra bedroom may be necessary to accommodate the children when they stay with that parent.   

In this scenario, the blind classification system adopted by the UK Government, a kidney patient, despite saving the Taxpayer money, will no longer be entitled to financial support to fund the spare room.  The single parent, who relies on the spare room for their children, will no longer be entitled to financial support for that room.  In both cases, the room will be classified as a bedroom, an extra room, surplus their assessed requirements.

Example 2 - Non Binary Gender

It is a common assumption that there are only two categories of gender - male and female.

To a certain extent, this assumption follows the sexing of a child at birth and the continued assumption that that sex will lead to a particular gender identity.

However, as a child grows and becomes more conscious of their own identity, they may find both the cultural gendering and their prescribed biological sexing difficult to reconcile.  The conflict may present at any age and in no particular prescribed manner.

Some people may grow up biologically female and yet identify more closely with the male gender.  Other people may grow up biologically male and identify themselves as female.  In both cases, some people may not identify with either the male or female gender, nor accept their prescribed sex given at birth.

The legal system has evolved - following a number of Human Rights challenges - to recognise that someone may wish to have their gender reassigned.  The law also protects someone, at whatever stage in their gender reassignment process, from discrimination.

Taking this into account, toilet and changing room facilities remain prescribed in many cases as either male or female.  Additionally, passports and birth certificates, both require a gender identity to be provided as either male or female.  It is noted, that in some cases, this culture has begun to change.  Nepal was one of the first countries to recognise another gender "X" in formal documents and other some venues have at least considered introducing some gender neutral toilets.

However, despite greater understanding and legal changes, the culture remains predominately discriminatory against non-binary gender people.

Example 3 - The Court System

The legal system is full of tradition and established models of work.  This culture extends to features, facilities and institutions through which the legal system operates.    

Court Rooms traditionally see the Judge sitting on a stepped, higher level, than the well of the Court or the Public Gallery.  Witnesses are usually required to enter a "Box", swear an Oath before God and stand to give evidence.

The majority of buildings are not fully accessible through the main entrance, host Court rooms in inaccessible locations and predominately contain features to accommodate the utility of the majority - namely able bodied, non disabled people.

To a certain extent, one has to acknowledge legacy issues, particularly concerning buildings and facilities built to a standard not accepted today.  However, this explanation has to be taken in context of legislative, jurisprudential and societal change.

The European Convention on Human Rights ("the Convention") was written with an Article 6 absolute right to a fair hearing.  The Disability Discrimination Act was passed by Parliament in 1995 followed by the Equality Act 2010 (disability and religion / belief are protected characteristics within the Equality Act).  The Human Rights Act 1998, brought the Convention into domestic law and the Scotland Act 1998 provided for the Scottish Parliament to encourage equal opportunities.

In addition, disabled people have featured more heavily in social policy and policy development.  A new societal understanding of disability has been encouraged and people who do not hold any specific religious conviction have their views recognised too, in addition to any traditional religious systems of belief.

Institutional Discrimination in Context

Bedroom Tax

In the first example, we see that both the disabled person (the kidney patient) and the single person (the parent) face discrimination against their own particular circumstances.

The Government has approached the Policy decision to withdraw financial support for extra bedrooms from the perspective of cost.  The policy primer; cut the cost of housing benefit, save the tax payer money and cut the budget deficit - look good to the voters.

Although the UK Government did consult concerning their policy, they ignored the representations made.

The policy discriminates against disabled people, who require a spare bedroom, as a consequence of their disability.

The policy also interferes with the respect for family and private life.  This is a Human Right found in Article 8 of the Convention.  It also likely indirectly discriminates against men, as single parents, who are statistically less likely than women to hold "full time" caring responsibilities for any children.  (Indirect discrimination occurs where an apparently neutral policy, criteria or practice has a disproportionate effect on one group of people more so than others).

The UK Government was aware of these policy impacts.  Yet, despite being made aware, the policy continues under the auspices of expediency.  In this case, the need to save money.

The policy is an example of institutional discrimination for that reason.      
        
Non Binary Gender

As described above, non binary gender people are protected from discrimination at any stage in their gender reassignment process or if they are perceived to be undergoing a gender reassignment process.  Yet, the Passport still requires to bear either a Male of Female gender identity.  Toilets and changing rooms remain focused on either male or female gender roles.

If you do not subscribe to either a male or female gender identity, what do you do about your Passport or which set of changing rooms do you use?

The culture of expediency is found here as well.  It is easy to use only male or female gender identities, that reduces the need for training of staff around the issues, the redesign of Passport form and booklets or changing the policy around toilet designs.  It is also easier to accept and go with the pre-existing convention, than seek to challenge it and thus have to face questions from the curious public about new ways of working.

This is institutional discrimination.  

The Court System

Direct disability discrimination can not be justified in law.

Almost 20 years have passed since the advent of the Disability Discrimination Act.

Public services have been put on notice for some time that old ways of working - which excluded disabled people - were not acceptable.

Similarly, public services should have also been aware that their legal duties do not stop with a limited range of reasonable adjustments.

The legal duty is both anticipatory and continuing.

Yet, disabled people, with a range of mobility related impairments are routinely discriminated against in both the facilities and accommodation they are presented with.

If someone is in a wheelchair, how is that person to give evidence from a "Box" if it features a step and is not wide enough to accommodate a wheelchair user?  Are lawyers with mobility impairments able to apply for the role of Sheriff (Judge) knowing that the working environment is largely inaccessible?

Of course, it is possible to make reasonable adjustments.  However, the crux is that it would not be necessary to do this if our Court buildings were made accessible in the first place.

The situation is further compounded when new facilities are built or when existing facilities are refurbished and the old, discriminatory, inaccessible practices continue.

This is institutional discrimination.

A similar story is found concerning the swearing of a witness' Oath.

The Law recognises and prevents discrimination against people with religious beliefs or people without religious beliefs.  This is a qualified right, in that it is not possible to claim religious discrimination when providing public services (for example, for a Christian couple to refuse B&B accommodation to a Gay couple).

Yet, the standard Oath used in Court is the religious Oath.

It is assumed, almost entirely, that this Oath will be used because it has formed standard practice for so many years.  An alternative is available, however it is not readily used or advertised.

This too, is institutional discrimination.
  
Going Forward

It is easy to discriminate.  That is self evident. 

It is more difficult, perhaps because of cost, resource allocation, or some other reason not to discriminate.

It is also too easy to provide passive acquiescence to the discriminatory status quo.    

However, both society and the law accept that discrimination is unacceptable.

Just as Sir Macpherson found in his report concerning the Met, institutional discrimination needs to be exposed for what it is.  It requires public scrutiny, it needs to be talked about and services have to be aware of how their organisation operates, at an institutional level, in generating an acceptable culture of discriminatory practice.

It is important, that where institutional discrimination is identified as a problem that no attempt is made to cover it up, silence complainers, or apply selective memory to recording particular incidents because of "...processes, attitudes and behaviour which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and  stereotyping..."

The UK Parliament held a Committee investigation into the progress made by the Police, in the ten years following the publication of the Macpherson Report. 

It was noted here that all but a few of the recommendations made had been implemented and had it not been for Sir Macpherson drawing attention to the problem through the label "institutional racism" little if any, progress would have been made. 

This is why it remains important to "call it out" wherever "institutional discrimination" is found. 

Only then can we move forward to generate positive solutions for overall cultural and thus institutional change.

Wednesday, 21 August 2013

Edinburgh Fringe - The backstory behind Missing, performed and written by Engineer




Missing is performed and written by Engineer, a new theatre company to come out of The Royal Central School of Speech and Drama in London.  

The show tackles some of the issues connected with missing people and their families, which until now I had not considered as a human rights issue.  

I took the opportunity to speak to Simon Lyshon, one of Engineer's founding members to get the back story behind the show.  


Why the issue of Missing people?



We were living with Greg Walton from the Independent and he had written a piece about how there are an estimated 275,000 missing people in Britain every year. That is around 1 person going missing every 2 minutes - to give you an idea of scale, that's a City the size of Plymouth.  

Jesse, a co-founder along with myself, Beatrice and George, started the project after that.  


How you you go about researching the issues involved?


We were lucky to have had a good contact in Greg Walton.  He had already built up a network of people who were interested in the issue and we asked him to approach his network to see if we could talk to them.  


A lot of the work from then on involved arranging interviews.  We were a new theatre company, we lacked any previous record of tackling such big issues and the only thing we had was our former connection with Royal Central. 


We had to build up trust.  Following the initial introduction, we built that trust.  We began to record interviews.  We had to make sure we kept it real; each subtle intonation in speech and nuance was particularly important to us.  The issue remained live for many of the people interviewed and we had to keep it personal for that reason.  


Why did you decide to use Verbatim, as opposed to a more traditional form of documentary storytelling or theatre?


Verbatim is a different form of theatre.  It lives and breathes from the stories of real peopleAs it is based on real-life conversation, it can have a tendency to become static and dry in terms of presentation. Verbatim is known as 'documentary theatre' by many people and this brings it's own set of prejudices. We were keen to break away from this and did this by exploring ways of physicalising and presenting the text in a more active way. 


How does the set relate to the issue of missing people?


When people go missing, usually all that is left behind are the objects that belonged to them.  So, to put it into context, when we talk about the case of Luke Durbin, his sister speaks about the old caravan at the back of the house, which belonged to Luke.  In the case of Moira Anderson also covered in the show, we place a present - a box in itself - inside a cupboard, representing all of the unopened presents that Moira's mother bought for her.  


Also, some of the boxes allow us to represent the passage of time - demonstrating the passing of seasons.  Each box being labelled, Spring, Summer or Autumn and when opened sound illustrates the season, such as chirping birds in Spring.  


They represent the idea of archives, the passage of time and that all that is left of a person are their possessions.  


The show also covers the Police response, how did you research this aspect?

The character in the show is actually an amalgam of several different sources.  To be fair, it's not just about saying that the Police need to do more, or that there needs to be some sort of national database or investigating agency created.  We found out, that it is actually more complex than that. 


In one interview, we were told, and this is also in the show, that if a strong enough case could be made for a particular investigation, then the resources would be made available for that investigation.  In this respect, its not just a question about a lack of resources from the Police point of view.  

In reality, the Police have limited ways of investigating the disappearance of people.  There is only so much that can be gained from CCTV, talking to witnesses and tracking the person before they go missing.  


We also used various academic reports concerning missing people.  These reports were mainly written with a criminal justice / Police audience in mind and unfortunately don't always translate into dramatic/theatrical material very easily.  However, one useful report was entitled "Geographies of Missing People" co-authored by the University of Glasgow.  


The show is quite powerful.  It opened my eyes.  Is there any message that you are seeking to get across?


Naturally, this question did occur to us in the process of making the show.  We asked ourselves, what is Missing?  Is this about the experience of missing people, the Police, Society or the whole of the media?  


We did not consider this an equalities or human rights issue as such.  We did not want to relay a political message.  


Missing, is probably best considered as a "Human Experience"; a window into the experiences of the people left behind.